More Stats on Singles: Gaps in the Data

Is it just me, or is there just not enough data on singles in this country?

It's interesting. When I was compiling the stats in my post, "The Hard Facts About Singles", I noticed that the various government agencies that regularly collect survey data don't often include marital status in their demographics. For instance, the Department of Labor's Bureau of Labor Statistics classified average weekly income by age, sex, and ethnicity, but there was no mention of marital status. Given that, especially among women, marital status is a significant factor in workforce participation, it seems strange that this information isn't front and center in their online tables.

Indeed, even though singles are such a large part of the population, statistics on their lives, opinions, work habits, families, and relationships can be harder to uncover than a government conspiracy. Because of this paucity of data, the picture we've painted of singles is like a Monet--impressionistic, sketchy on the detail. If researchers draw closer, we might discover that the faceless outlines of America's singles can be fleshed out. We might learn that what we thought was the whole picture is actually a combination of the varied, even contradictory brushstrokes that compose the facets of any single life.

Some gaps in our data on singles:

1. What is the breakdown of U.S. singles who are romantically unattached versus those who are cohabiting or otherwise in long-term relationships? While the financial and economic concerns of attached singles may be similar to those of the unattached, their emotional and social lives are likely to resemble those of married couples more than other singles.

2. Why are singles paid lower wages than their married colleagues? Are singles and marrieds evenly distributed across high-income jobs, or do singles congregate in careers that pay less? Do we know if age interacts with single status to affect income? That is, do singles earn less because they tend to be younger, or does this inequity persist no matter how many years they put in on the job? Do singles strive for raises and promotions with the same fervor that marrieds do? Does this statistic apply to divorced and widowed singles or only to singles who've never been married? I'm playing devil's advocate here not because I don't believe that discrimination against singles is a genuine threat in the workplace but because our case will be stronger if we can rule out arguments based on these questions.

3. The majority of singles (55%) aren't "actively seeking a partner." In a nation that still concludes most of its movies with a kiss betwee co-stars, this is counterintuitive. To better understand the changing face of singlehood, we need to know why these singles aren't looking. Are they truly more satisfied on their own? Are they scared of commitment because of the financial and emotional cost of divorce? Are they put off by some aspect of the dating scene? Have they given up because they can't find suitable partners? What does "actively seeking a partner" mean, anyway? It's one thing to make a weely tour of the bar circuit, fill out a dozen online profiles that ask for everything but your bank account, and hang out every Saturday in your supermarket by the TV dinners; systematically hunting down a compatible individual takes a concerted effort that not all of us have the time or inclination for, especially if past searches have proven fruitless or filled with more rejections than American Idol. But it's quite another thing to be completely content alone, and I wonder how many of those surveyed would prefer to be partnered but find the barriers to dating too high to climb in today's ultracompetitive meet market.

Can you shed some light on the gaps in our data? Do you know of a relevant research study or have anecdotal evidence to share? Tell Singletude about it!

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